| A SOURCE OF INSPIRATION In the deep jungles of Angola, Tanzania and other African states, the militant youth of South Africa receiving traing as soldiers of UMkhonto WeSizwe, sang a song: "Bakhala ngayo emazweni I Freedom Charter" (all over the world, people still marvel at this historic document, The Freedom Charter.) This song soon became a battle cry in the streets of South Africa as protesters marched and forced the apartheid government to uplift the ban on the liberation movements, release the political prisoners and allow exiles to return. Negotiations ensured resulting in the first ever general elections and a constitution for democratic South Africa was adopted. The words of President Mandela in the dock: " ...these ideals I am prepared to live for and if need be, to die for,......." were actually true for many South Africans who have sacrificed their lives during the struggle for democracy and freedom envisaged in this document. One of many such patriots is Solomon Kalushi Mahlangu, the 23 year old MK guerrilla who raised his fist as he was about to be executed and said: " ...tell my people I love them. My blood will nourish the of freedom! AMANDLA!" And it did! The Freedom Charter was about what actions would constitute the restoration of the dignity of the oppressed people of South Africa. The lesson for the youth growing in South Africa today is that they may be taking the freedom and democracy today as a natural phenomenon. They must absorb the lessons of the Charter and understand its context. The reality is that those sacrifices that brought it about can only be neglected at our own peril. The Freedom Charter provided the inspiration and a vision around which the oppressed rallied. It acted as a beacon to chart the direction to a future yet unknown. Our youth will, as in a relay athletic race, inherit a country that was shaped by the Freedom Charter. That is what determined the path we follow today. While our youth, like all of us, cannot change the course of history, it is the basis on which their future will be created. THE BIRTH OF A NON-RACIAL SOCIETY Last week marked the 59th anniversary of the adoption of the Freedom Charter. I have marveled at the lack of attention and resourcefulness in media circles about such an important milestone in the struggle that brought about the freedom that we are all so proud of. I recall many fascinating stories told with passion by those who participated in that historic moment. Dr Albertina Luthuli, first daughter of Chief Albert Luthuli, who was President General of the African National Congress at the time, told a story of how she and a group of young students travelled at the back of an open old farm truck from Durban to Kliptown as delegates to the Congress of the People. True as the story is, I doubt any young person today would find this amusing enough to attempt. The late Dr Sardar, an ANC veteran from Ladismith often took pride in stating that as a delegate in the Congress of the People, it was he who moved the clause: "the people shall govern" for adoption in the conference. It was fascinating to chat to 86 year old Mrs Beati Lipman, wife of author, Professor Alan Robert Lipman (member of the South African Communist Party) who was in the drafting team. The first original text of The Freedom Charter was scripted by her by hand as she was reputed to have a beautiful hand writing, which, surprisingly, she still has. She tells a fascinating story of how clause by clause was dictated to her until the drafting committee was satisfied that the historic document correctly represented the decisions of the congress. Most participants died without much of their personal story being told and I wonder how many are still alive now to recount that experience that shaped the course of our struggle. That extraordinary gathering of our people succinctly articulated the vision of a united, non-racial, non-sexist, free, democratic, peaceful, and prosperous South Africa, not only in word but in the principles of how it was constituted. Of the total of 2 884 delegates, 721 were women. There were 2 186 African delegates 320 Indian delegates, 230 Coloured delegates, as well as 112 Whites, despite police harassing and stopping many from attending. Fifty thousand volunteers went to communities in towns, villages, farms, rural areas, workers, religious and traditional leaders, intellectuals and ordinary people to record their views and aspirations of freedom and democracy. Thousands of views were condensed into a single compact document. The Freedom Charter was adopted before the apartheid regime disrupted the two day congress and dispersed all the delegates on the 27th June 1955. Words from one of intellectuals who were the brains behind this brilliant initiative Professor Z.K. Matthews, say it all, as he wrote: "There were several wonderful things about the Congress of the People. The first is the fact that it was held at all. Here for the first time was a Congress which brought together people drawn from all sections of the population to consider and give expression to their vision of the South Africa of the future. The sponsoring organisations issue a challenge to any other group of organisations including the Nationalist Party to convene a similar conference and whether they could evoke an equal or better response from the people of South Africa." THE ANC REMAINS COMMITTED TO THE FREEDOM CHARTER The debate generated by this document, THE FREEDOM CHATER, had several consequences. 156 leaders who participated in the COP were charged for treason and were accused of propagating a communist document, only to be acquitted three years later. Several members of the African National Congress were incensed with the focus on non-racialism and participation of democrats from the White community and consequently the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) was formed. Throughout all these turbulences, the African National Congress has remained the pillar around which the ideals of the Freedom Charter have continued to be propagated. Yet it has been most surprising to read about leaders, political organisations, various commentators making statements and writing columns to suggest that the African National Congress has abandoned The Freedom Charter. The ANC has not spent time to dismiss is this fallacy, because we believe it is not worth any attention. It is however apparent that in the long run such disinformation has a potential of misleading the younger generation whose only source of information is current affairs. In this age of sound bites, outrageous headlines, rapid spread of information through social networks, incorrect reports reach millions before correction. The ANC has also endured a lot of undeserved criticism with distortions exaggeration and misrepresentations as a result there are many quarters who were even surprised with the overwhelming support for the ANC in the last elections. I want to submit that not only is the African National Congress the custodian of The Freedom Charter, based on the history, the ANC has implemented all the provisions clauses of the Freedom Charter. A careful reading and analysis of the document will confirm that the ANC government can account in policy, programme and resource allocation that the government is guided by the desire to turn the provisions of The Charter into a reality. The real debate is and should correctly be how effective or successful are all these programmes in achieving the outcomes anticipated in the Freedom Charter. There are some who raise ideological debates around the direction the country is taking and wrongly attribute the differences of views to the implementation of The Freedom Charter. The origin of the Freedom Charter can be traced to the sponsoring organisations which were the Partners of the ANC in the Congress of the People,namely The Coloured People's Congress, the South African Indian Congress and the Congress of Democrats. Needless to say that all these organisations folded and individual members became part of the ANC. Whilst SACTWU was foundation on which COSATU was formed and the SACP remains the home of communists striving for socialism. Today no party exists outside the Alliance whose past can be traced to the adoption of the Freedom Charter. It is opportunism of the worst order for some political parties to create an impression that they can today better implement or represent the word and spirit of the Freedom Charter than its main founding partner, the African National Congress. Of course the Freedom Charter does not belong to the ANC alone but to all the people of this country. Thus we all are all entitled to debate it and seek the best ways of making its vision a reality but understanding that it is a falsity to claim that the ANC has abandoned the Freedom Charter. The focus of the ANC as the leader of the National Democratic Revolution together with the Tripartite Alliance, is to unite and liberate all the people of South Africa, black people in general and Africans in particular. As a multi-class organisation, the ANC continues to champion aspirations of all SouthAfricans with particular bias to the working class and the poor especially in rural and peri urban areas. Our programme for transformation has been described in Alliance as the minimum programme that unites democratic forces including those who believe in socialism as the future. This approach characterizes the ANC as the disciplined force of the left pursuing progressive policies to transform society and create a better South Africa for all who live in it. The participation of communists did not make the Freedom Charter a blueprint for socialism. Nor does the presence of the middle class in the ANC turn the Freedom Charter into a document propagating greedy exploitation and rampant consumerism of unbridled capitalism for its own sake. Clearly, after achieving political power and the right to vote, the next target must and will be the economic emancipation and pursuit of redistributive policies that will give equality it's real meaning. The worsening of inequality is the biggest threat to reconciliation, political stability and our democratic gains in the long term. Freedomin political terms which exclude economic transformation is incomplete and a negation of true meaning of equality. THE FREEDOM CHARTER THE FOUNDATION OF OUR CONSTITUTION The phrases of the Freedom Charter that refer to the human rights for all, equality before the law for all national groups have been implemented in toto. These phrases formed the basis for the country's constitution which has received world acclaim, as well as various pieces of legislation that have replaced apartheid legislation. Freedom of the press experienced in South Africa ranks amongst few countries in the world. It remains a significant measure of the open and transparent society that has been created to guarantee freedom of expression, choice and association envisaged by the Congress's of the People. The regularity of free, fair, transparent and credible elections is the best test of a thriving democracy in the true spirit of the Freedom Charter. The effectiveness of the Chapter Nine Institutions and courts that have fearlessly made rulings against the government and political leaders has demonstrated the independence that democracy needs in order to thrive. The primacy of human rights has made all South Africans know that not only are they free to express their views but that no state security agents may arbitrarily infringe on their rights. It is trite that the origins of these rights is the constitution inspired by the Freedom Charter which was passed by elected representatives in the Constituent Assembly. The ANC (through its parliamentary majority) contributed overwhelmingly to the vote as the main champion for human rights and justice. The ANC's commitment to the constitution means that as long as the ANC majority exists in parliament, the constitution remains secure. This is contrary to arguments from opposition circles suggesting that the ANC majority needs to be reduced to secure the constitution. While the fundamental principles of the Freedom Charter remain secure, like any living document, the constitution has had no less than ten amendment clauses to adjust it to an evolving democracy. It cannot be correct to question commitment of the ANC to the Charter each time our country experiences unfortunate tragedies such as in Marikana or misguided individuals amongst security forces unleash unjustifiable violence on civilian population. We need to work hard to prevent such occurrences in the future as we help families find closure from tragedy. Police need rehabilitative trauma conselling to ensure that their psyche is shifted away from the combative approach to maintaining order and managing peaceful protests and still be ready to to be tough on hardened criminals. Twenty years has also taught us that our post apartheid path, correct as it may be, is however tortuous and littered with painful challenges that contradict our expectations of a democratic order and were never foreseen. The question we must ask ourselves is what lies behind the high level of aggressive behavior that make citizens prone to disobey the law and police act beyond the prescripts of the law. New opportunities arise for retraining the police and embarking on civic education that fosters the spirit of ethical conduct expected in a peaceful democracy. The matter needs non-partisan approach that helps to shape society than an attempt at political point scoring.We need a balance that does not obscure accountability. Comparing what happens in a democracy with actions of the apartheid government is a misleading distortion because the underlying principles differ markedly. A democratic government can never fear the people who elected it and does not need repression as a tool to stay in office. State actions are guided and overseen by the constitutional order. That is why South Africans do not ever entertain prospects of military take over or coup as we all respect the constitution. We should therefore not assume bad faith when accidents occur and there certainly must be actions and accountability for erros of judgement and abrogation of responsibility at all times. But it remains unacceptable for political and other leaders to abuse people's emotions for party political point scoring while taking advantage of tragic circumstances wherein lives have been lost as we have recently observed. The commitment to eradicate violence, crime, abuse of women and children and create a truly peaceful and compassionate society explains the strong legislation that has been enacted in this regard. Policies geared towards supporting people living with disabilities form part of this menu. The emphasis on approaching policing as a service and the rehabilitation of offenders are all based on the ethos of creating a human rights culture wherein both state and civil society work in partnership for the good of society. We have to work hard to deal with the violence associated with patriarchal relations, intolerance of sexual orientation and remove stigma of shame associated with being victims of sexual abuse. Good governance and elimination of fraud and corruption has been elevated as top priority by society as a whole. On such matters, all political parties have to stand together. The fact that under the ANC led government, corruption is exposed and investigations can be conducted without hindrance is a huge step towards fighting irregularities. Protection of whistle blowers and the fact that investigations culminate in relevant state institutions is the country's strength. That corruption is now exposed than hidden, must not make anybody accuse the ANC of being corrupt, as this is completely untrue. We must rally behind the fact that whatever wrong that happens, shall be exposed and acted upon. The racist definition of our society based on different features of a human race entrenched through apartheid institutions was both artificial and unsustainable. The Freedom Charter was an attempt to define the best possible human values we could aspire for as a nation, long after apartheid was eradicated. Racial superiority, ethnicity or tribal chauvinism like incidents of xenophobia have no place in this country and need to be fought in the spirit of the Freedom Charter: "South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white." While these are outlawed by our constitution, when they arise they are often a guise under which there is fierce raging competition for resources, positions of influence or desire for accummulation of personal wealth. After all none of the South African communities, whether Black or White can claim any racial, ethnic or geneological purity as basis to qualify for any degree of finger pointing. When any of these arise, they need to be stamped out rather than anyone feeling that our democracy is faltering or the ANC has abandoned the Freedom Charter. THE FREEDOM CHARTER AND SERVICE DELIVERY The phrase: "there shall be houses, security and comfort for all" remains at the core of service delivery. The provision of millions of houses, water, sanitation, electricity, roads and many other social amenities finds its genesis in the Freedom Charter, which is why the ANC has placed these matters at the centre of its social transformation agenda. Detractors have accused the ANC of making promises. How else does the ANC demonstrate to our people that it remains committed to these provisions of the Freedom Charter? The election manifesto remains a solemn undertaking to fulfill provisions of the Freedom Charter not a set of promises, the twenty year review of confirms this. Our people understand this so well that when they feel the speed of delivery and reliability of these services do not meet their expectation, they speak out. In some instances the public protests have been used to influence which areas must be prioritised or where local leaders performance does not meet their expectations. Since the ANC has encouraged openness on corruption and emphasized on representatives being accountable to he electorate, communities have never been shy to embark on protests. Many journalists have been surprised to see overwhelming support for the African National Congress in areas where there have been angry protests, often against the ANC led municipalities. Many of those protests occur in the backdrop of good service delivery in neighbouring areas or under different public representatives from the same party. Communities understand clearly the ANC principles and the commitments it has made and demand this of their representatives or in their own areas. Protest actions are not arbitrary but are not immune from local social and political dynamics. They can never be superficially interpreted as political rejection of the ANC. The ANC knows this well and never takes any community for granted. Many lesson have been learnt in the last national general election. We need to build a culture of non-violent protests in which people trust that there will be a response to their concerns and be patient while the state moves swiftly to address dissatisfaction. This notion that militancy equals destruction of property or that unless something burns, nobody cares about community complains, need to be stamped out. More education needs to be embarked upon for both community and leaders to appreciate that tactics used against an unelected apartheid minority and illegitimate government are not necessary in a democracy wherein more can be achieved through a public meetings, free speech and a decisive vote. The ANC learnt not to take any vote for granted believing that leadership in society must be earned by those who wish to lead. The voice of the masses of our people is final and is never wrong. It is the final arbirter in the apportioning of political power. Referring to those who voted for theANC as fools or clowns was not only extreme display of arrogance but it was also a demeaning insult and abuse of the freedom of the press. In every election since 1994, the ANC has witnessed shifts in electoral support, often linked to various topical social or economic issues and internal political dynamics within the ANC and in society as a whole. Many examples come to mind; eg. youth unemployment, the economic recession, Marikana,e-tolls, Nkandla debate, expulsion of Julius Malema, the outcomes of ANC conference in Polokwane, the recall of President Mbeki and many more. Despite these ups and downs, the country is on course, though our journey is not perfect. When voters vote they take the sum total of achievements, failures and challenges into account and make a judgement call. As a result thereof most of the political parties opposing the ANC are its offshoots or derivatives thereof: PAC, IFP, UDM, COPE, EFF and others. They are different from thosewhose origins can be traced to the apartheid past such as;the Democratic Alliance, ACDP, UCDP, FF etc. The ANC has a tradition of consulting with its members and society at large and learns from this interaction because people never fear to tell the ANC leaders when disappointed, disenchanted or satisfied with the performance of its government. Such has been the dynamism within the ANC and in our country. We are all aware of the fact that there are no guarantees in politics. The fact that people have benefited directly from he ANC policies is never a guarantee that they will vote for the ANC. However, the converse is similarly true that the fact that people may be angry, disappointed or have not directly benefitted from the ANC policies, is no guarantee that they will not vote for it. Commentators would do well in acknowledging that elections are conducted once in every term of five years and credit the ANC with its deserved recognition instead of suggesting the percentage vote over sixty percent is electoral loss yet the nearest opposition trails with a 40% gap. Similarly the ANC can only appreciate the support with humility, correct its mistakes and take lessons to heart. THE FREEDOM CHARTER AND THE NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT PLAN The ANC won the election with a mandate to implement the NDP as a broad plan to take forward the provisions of the Freedom Charter. The ANC believes that the outcome of fully implementing the provisions in the Freedom Charter will go a long way to creating a more egalitarian society referred to as a National Democratic Society. This is the objective of our National Democratic Revolution. The closest process to rallying our society towards this end has been the drawing of the National Develoment Plan. We have acknowledged that despite imperfections, this plan will go a long way in building our country, our society and the economy. We need not wait for complete unanimity of views before we implement aspects wherein in sufficient consensus exists for taking the country forward. The National Development Plan has been adopted as the rallying point to achieve a stronger economy that creates employment to eliminate povetry and equality. At the core of the NDP is the focus on high priority sectors such as energy, infrastructure, ICT, mining, as well as the underlying emphasis on building our manufacturing capacity and skills development. The success of the NDP depends on creation of a social compact that puts South Africa first and then balance the sectoral needs from all stake holders. When the economy is under such a strain, it must be clear to all that this is the time " we swim together or sink together " as a country. Government must initiate a dialogue to get the captains of both business and labour to a common discussion that ensures that remunerative agreements are entered into on a multi year basis. This approaches acknowledges 'job security' and the right of workers to a decent wage and conditions of employment and remains cognizant of industrial stability we need for the country to recover. Industrial harmony can be achieved to shield the country from violent disruptions without the labour rights being compromised or outlawed. This has to be balanced with open negotiations in good faith and a focus on the targets set for our economy to thrive. This must be based on good faith that makes top executives also be ready for belt tightening that has created resentments on lower paid categories. South Africa needs an economic miracle of accelerated private sector investment, labour peace and supportive environment by government. A political miracle through negotiations saved the country form certain disaster and one more miracle would do us some good. Economic policies of the ANC are where the real criticism has been. The fact that the end of apartheid was achieved through a negotiation process together with the timing of its achievement soon after the collapse of the socialist bloc as well as lessons learnt from many countries under similar circumstances as ours, played a role in the definition of ANC economic policy. The policy of mixed economy was adopted to allow the balance of evidence to determine the best outcome for the country. Thus state intervention, private, cooperative and other forms of ownership would be pursued in an effort to build the economy and empower the citizens. Nationalization of the banks has long been discounted by the ANC following the same policy approach. However it needs to be stated that South African banks are so risk averse that they hardly make an impression in the support of informal economy. They still refuse to provide solutions that can help build informal business and remain extremely skeptical of black emerging entrepreneurs. There is a role for a state backed bank or financial institution that will focus on the risky business of building cooperatives and SMMEs. There has been a call for postal Bank to be reviveed to play such a role. More jobs will be created and a broader base of entrepreneurs is what is needed. The inequality is worsened by the fact that though fourteen million jobs have been created over the past twenty years, over six million unemployed is a huge challenge. The meaning of "the mineral wealth shall be restored to the people as a whole," and exactly how " the land shall be shared by those who work it" has generated huge debate. The conflict in the mining sector has once again highlighted the need for more responsibility to be taken to ensure that workers and neighbouring community meaningfully benefit from the mineral resources in their proximity. Mines cannot be allowed to be self perpetuating scheme of impoverishing the people and disproportionately enrich the few. A new formula is needed that extends the responsibility of building sustainable communities in partnership with government. Many multinational mining corporations are fully aware of the disparities in conditions of living and remuneration in South Africa compared to their own operations for similar categories and commodities in other countries. . This process will require huge collaboration by mining companies and their service providers, organised labour and resident communities, government and financial institutions to translate the wealth into healthier and more dignified communities. Working in mines must be a source of pride and prestige to all involved. Of course protracted strike like the recent one may not be a solution as it was demonstrated. This matter needs a broader debate and more engagements than an exhaustive long protracted no-win strike that limits matters to employer and employee A more collaborative approach must be found to avoid more damage than benefit. There is a lot more that needs attention in the mines, manufacturing and other sectors of the economy that gets overshadowed by the criticism on black economic empowerment partners. These individuals thrive on fees from board meetings and remain inactive shareholders playing no part in the direct operations of the company. These tend to be easily removed and recycled as they add no value and are incapable of initiating their own outfit as their presence imparted no experience to them. The other reality is that emerging small business especially black owned companies are negligibly represented as service providers. This is why the call to create black industrialists needs special attention by large corporates and the government. These issues occur in private businesses and large corporates but are the source of criticism to ANC. THE FREEDOM CHARTER AS BASIS OF ERADICATION OF POVERTY AND A MORE INCLUSIVE ECONOMY Radical transformation means that there is urgent need for dialogue between government and private sector address these matters and appreciate that the task of building the economy that sustains our democracy belongs to all. Creative ways are needed to promote entrepreneurship and a more inclusive economy. This will inevitably result in more black middle class being created and making economic emancipation to be a reality to many more from the ranks of the underprivileged. It is a mark of remarkable progress that In the past twenty years more than ten million people, mostly black have been added to the middle class. This is a consequence of the transformation and the necessary widening of participation thus making the economy more inclusive. More effort has to be put into the land reform programmes. Hundreds of thousands of hectares have been restored to the ownership of the majority. Many challenges such as price speculation have caused a shift from the"willing buyer, willing seller" to the " just and equitable " value to protect the only buyer, the state. There are legal procedures to guide the state in cases of expropriation. Respect for constitutional provisions on property rights guided the land reform policies. It was also important to balance the redress of a historical case of forceful land dispossession with a legal process that would avoid unintended consequences. Calls for expropriation without compensation is adventurism of the worst order, since the first of such cases would be stopped within twenty four hours though an urgent court application. The ANC as a ruling party can ill afford to subscribe to such reckless propositions. However, more needs to be done to be done to ensure that twenty years into democracy many people are able to use land as an asset from which to build their wealth. Despite all criticism the shift of ownership represents a measure of success, though huge challenges remain. The need to match the ownership and successful utilization of farms as viable enterprises has to be given a strong focus. Transfer of farms have not resulted in the agrarian evolution originally intended. Skills training, mentor ship, financing and access to markets remain serious drawbacks in the process and food security remains largely unresolved. The pursuit of the National Health Insurance is another aspect of implementing the Freedom Charter to achieve "health for all". The underlying principle is that good health outcomes are both an indicator and outcome o socio-economic developments and correct policy choices a country makes. Freedom and democracy to the extent that it promotes ability to make choices and influence policy decisions, must result in positive health outcomes such as reduced mortality rates and improved life expectancy as is already happening in the country. Reference to "Safety for All" in the Freedom Charter, does not refer to physical security alone. It encompasses wider security such as; food security, environmental security, job security, financial security, social security and security of land tenure. Any of them are linked to the economy of the country in various ways. Social security has been instituted to alleviate poverty and provide a safety net for the poor. This has grown beyond R100 billion and covered almost sixteen million people compared to 2,4 million people in 1994. This is not a permanent solution nor is it sustainable in the long term, due to burgeoning cost and unintended consequences such as entitlement and dependency that may complicate it. But anyone who denies that his policy has saved many people from starvation and certain death and has improved lives of many children, would be misleading the country. It is however not a substitute for a well paying job which both the ANC and government prefer like everyone in our society. There are parties who have campaigned on the basis of doubling the welfare grants for all. This is not just ridiculous but misleading our people and will drive our economy beyond a point of no return. The biggest risk of borrowing for consumption and drive the country to a debt trap would be real if such a policy can be adopted. Coupled with expropriation without compensation and doubling salaries of civil servants is promising a pie in the sky that will bankrupt the country and collapse the economy and precipitate anarchy and social disorder. Such populism is dangerous and cannot be allowed in the name of implementing the Freedom Charter. Beware rhetoric that sound revolutionary designed to attract voter support with scant regard to the consequences on the entire economy. There are many opportunists who would easily " tell a lie and claim easy victories" ( apology to Amilcar Cabral). " The doors of education shall be open for all " Much has been achieved on ensuring universal access to education. The economic situation did not allow that free and compulsory education be implemented in 1994. But it still remains an ANC policy that is subject to progressive realization. The fact that about eighty percent of schools are no fee school, the provision of free meals to over two million learners every day bears testimony to the commitment of the ANC to the provisions of the Charter. The opening of more FET colleges and scholarships associated therewith and the financial support to universities and technikons has ensured that the African child is being developed to achieve his /her maximum potential. Education, skills and intellectual development is the most important and effective form of socio-economic development. It is the only way of ensuring that the youth of our country enjoys the freedom and democracy that is envisaged in the Freedom Charter. Clearly the lesson for our youth is that the Freedom Charter is more about their future than is about their past. The sooner they accept that, the safer the future of our country. |